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Live demos test effectiveness of Revolutionary War weapons


not just men with muskets

Pitting the Brown Bess against the long rifle, testing the first military submarine, and more.

The colonial victory against the British in the American Revolutionary War was far from a predetermined outcome. In addition to good strategy and the timely appearance of key allies like the French, Continental soldiers relied on several key technological innovations in weaponry. But just how accurate is an 18th-century musket when it comes to hitting a target? Did the rifle really determine the outcome of the war? And just how much damage did cannon inflict? A team of military weapons experts and re-enactors set about testing some of those questions in a new NOVA documentary, Revolutionary War Weapons.

The documentary examines the firing range and accuracy of Brown Bess muskets and long rifles used by both the British and the Continental Army during the Battles of Lexington and Concord; the effectiveness of Native American tomahawks for close combat (no, they were usually not thrown as depicted in so many popular films, but there are modern throwing competitions today); and the effectiveness of cannons against the gabions and other defenses employed to protect the British fortress during the pivotal Siege of Yorktown. There is even a fascinating segment on the first military submarine, dubbed “the Turtle,” created by American inventor David Bushnell.

To capture all the high-speed ballistics action, director Stuart Powell relied upon a range of high-speed cameras called the Phantom Range. “It is like a supercomputer,” Powell told Ars. “It is a camera, but it doesn’t feel like a camera. You need to be really well-coordinated on the day when you’re using it because it bursts for, like, 10 seconds. It doesn’t record constantly because it’s taking so much data. Depending on what the frame rate is, you only get a certain amount of time. So you’re trying to coordinate that with someone trying to fire a 250-year-old piece of technology. If the gun doesn’t go off, if something goes wrong on set, you’ll miss it. Then it takes five minutes to reboot and get ready for the new shot. So a lot of the shoot revolves around the camera; that’s not normally the case.”

Constraints to keep the run time short meant that not every experiment the crew filmed ended up in the final document, according to Powell. For instance, there was one experiment in a hypoxia chamber for the segment on the Turtle, meant to see how long a person could function once the sub had descended, limiting the oxygen supply. “We felt there was slightly too much on the Turtle,” said Powell. “It took up a third of the whole film.” Also cut, for similar reasons, were power demonstrations for the musket, using boards instead of ballistic gel. But these cuts were anomalies in the tightly planned shooting schedule; most of the footage found its way onscreen.

The task of setting up all those field experiments fell to experts like military historian and weapons expert Joel Bohy, who is a frequent appraiser for Antiques Roadshow. We caught up with Bohy to learn more.

Redcoat re-enactors play out the Battle of Lexington. GBH/NOVA

Ars Technica: Obviously you can’t work with the original weapons because they’re priceless. How did you go about making replicas as close as possible to the originals?

Joel Bohy: Prior to our live fire studies, I started to collect the best contemporary reproductions of all of the different arms that were used. Over the years, I’ve had these custom-built, and now I have about 14 of them, so that we can cover pretty much every different type of arm used in the Revolution. I have my pick when we want to go out to the range and shoot at ballistics gelatin. We’ve published some great papers. The latest one was in conjunction with a bullet strike study where we went through and used modern forensic techniques to not only locate where each shooter was, what caliber the gun was, using ballistics rods and lasers, but we also had 18th-century house sections built and shot at the sections to replicate that damage. It was a validation study, and those firearms came in very handy.

Ars Technica: What else can we learn from these kinds of experiments?

Joel Bohy: One of the things that’s great about the archeology end of it is when we’re finding fired ammunition. I mostly volunteer with archaeologists on the Revolutionary War. One of my colleagues has worked on the Little Bighorn battlefield doing firing pin impressions, which leave a fingerprint, so he could track troopers and Native Americans across the battlefields. With [the Revolutionary War], it’s harder to do because we’re using smooth-bore guns that don’t necessarily leave a signature. But what they do leave is a caliber, and they also leave a location. We GIS all this stuff and map it, and it’s told us things about the battles that we never knew before. We just did one last August that hasn’t been released yet that changes where people thought a battle took place.

We like to combine that with our live fire studies. So when we [conduct the latter], we take a shot, then we metal detect each shot, bag it, tag it. We record all the data that we see on our musket balls that we fired so that when we’re on an archeology project, we can correlate that with what we see in the ground. We can see if it hits a tree, if it hits rocks, how close was a soldier when they fired—all based upon the deformation of the musket ball.

Ars Technica: What is the experience of shooting a replica of a musket compared to, say, a modern rifle?

Joel Bohy: It’s a lot different. When you’re firing a modern rifle, you pull the trigger and it’s very quick—a matter of milliseconds and the bullet’s downrange. With the musket, it’s similar, but it’s slower, and you can anticipate the shot. By the time the cock goes down, the flint strikes the hammer, it ignites the powder in the pan, which goes through the vent and sets off the charge—there’s a lot more time involved in that. So you can anticipate and flinch. You may not necessarily get the best shot as you would on a more modern rifle. There’s still a lot of kick, and there’s a lot more smoke because of the black powder that’s being used. With modern smokeless powder, you have very little smoke compared to the muskets.

Ars Technica: It’s often said that throughout the history of warfare, whoever has the superior weapons wins. This series presents a more nuanced picture of how such conflicts play out.

John Hargreaves making David Bushnell’s submarine bomb. GBH/Nova

Joel Bohy: In the Revolutionary War, you have both sides basically using the same type of firearm. Yes, some were using rifles, depending on what region you were from, and units in the British Army used rifles. But for the most part, they’re all using flintlock mechanisms and smoothbore guns. What comes into play in the Revolution is, on the [Continental] side, they don’t have the supply of arms that the British do. There was an embargo in place in 1774 so that no British arms could be shipped into Boston and North America. So you have a lot of innovation with gunsmiths and blacksmiths and clockmakers, who were taking older gun parts, barrels, and locks and building a functional firearm.

You saw a lot of the Americans at the beginning of the war trying to scrape through with these guns made from old parts and cobbled together. They’re functional. We didn’t really have that lock-making and barrel-making industry here. A lot of that stuff we had imported. So even if a gun was being made here, the firing mechanism and the barrels were imported. So we had to come up with another way to do it.

We started to receive a trickle of arms from the French in 1777, and to my mind, that’s what helped change the outcome of the war. Not only did we have French troops arriving, but we also had French cloth, shoes, hats, tin, powder, flints, and a ton of arms being shipped in. The French took all of their old guns from their last model that they had issued to the army, and they basically sold them all to us. So we had this huge influx of French arms that helped resupply us and made the war viable for us.

Close-up of a cannon firing. GBH/NOVA

Ars Technica: There are a lot of popular misconceptions about the history of the American Civil War. What are a couple of things that you wish more Americans understood about that conflict?

Joel Bohy: The onset of the American Revolution, April 1775, when the war began—these weren’t just a bunch of farmers who grabbed their rifle from over the fireplace and went out and beat the British Army. These people had been training and arming themselves for a long time. They had been doing it for generations before in wars with Native forces and the French since the 17th century. So by the time the Revolution broke out, they were as prepared as they could be for it.

“The rifle won the Revolution” is one of the things that I hear. No, it didn’t. Like I said, the French arms coming in helped us win the Revolution. A rifle is a tool, just like a smoothbore musket is. It has its benefits and it has its downfalls. It’s slower to load, you can’t mount a bayonet on it, but it’s more accurate, whereas the musket, you can load and fire faster, and you can mount a bayonet. So the gun that really won the Revolution was the musket, not the rifle.

It’s all well and good to be proud of being an American and our history and everything else, but these people just didn’t jump out of bed and fight. These people were training, they were drilling, they were preparing and arming and supplying not just arms, but food, cloth, tents, things that they would need to continue to have an army once the war broke out. It wasn’t just a big—poof—this happened and we won.

Revolutionary War Weapons is now streaming on YouTube and is also available on PBS.

Photo of Jennifer Ouellette

Jennifer is a senior writer at Ars Technica with a particular focus on where science meets culture, covering everything from physics and related interdisciplinary topics to her favorite films and TV series. Jennifer lives in Baltimore with her spouse, physicist Sean M. Carroll, and their two cats, Ariel and Caliban.

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Astronomers think they’ve figured out how and when Jupiter’s Red Spot formed

a long-lived vortex —

Astronomers concluded it is not the same and that Cassini’s spot disappeared in 1708.

Enhanced image of Jupiter’s Great Red Spot, as seen from a Juno flyby in 2018. The Red Spot we see today is likely not the same one famously observed by Cassini in the 1600s.

Enlarge / Enhanced Juno image of Jupiter’s Great Red Spot in 2018. It is likely not the same one observed by Cassini in the 1600s.

The planet Jupiter is particularly known for its so-called Great Red Spot, a swirling vortex in the gas giant’s atmosphere that has been around since at least 1831. But how it formed and how old it is remain matters of debate. Astronomers in the 1600s, including Giovanni Cassini, also reported a similar spot in their observations of Jupiter that they dubbed the “Permanent Spot.” This prompted scientists to question whether the spot Cassini observed is the same one we see today. We now have an answer to that question: The spots are not the same, according to a new paper published in the journal Geophysical Research Letters.

“From the measurements of sizes and movements, we deduced that it is highly unlikely that the current Great Red Spot was the ‘Permanent Spot’ observed by Cassini,” said co-author Agustín Sánchez-Lavega of the University of the Basque Country in Bilbao, Spain. “The ‘Permanent Spot’ probably disappeared sometime between the mid-18th and 19th centuries, in which case we can now say that the longevity of the Red Spot exceeds 190 years.”

The planet Jupiter was known to Babylonian astronomers in the 7th and 8th centuries BCE, as well as to ancient Chinese astronomers; the latter’s observations would eventually give birth to the Chinese zodiac in the 4th century BCE, with its 12-year cycle based on the gas giant’s orbit around the Sun. In 1610, aided by the emergence of telescopes, Galileo Galilei famously observed Jupiter’s four largest moons, thereby bolstering the Copernican heliocentric model of the solar system.

(a) 1711 painting of Jupiter by Donato Creti showing the reddish Permanent Spot. (b) November 2, 1880, drawing of Jupiter by E.L. Trouvelot. (c) November 28, 1881, drawing by T.G. Elger.

Enlarge / (a) 1711 painting of Jupiter by Donato Creti showing the reddish Permanent Spot. (b) November 2, 1880, drawing of Jupiter by E.L. Trouvelot. (c) November 28, 1881, drawing by T.G. Elger.

Public domain

It’s possible that Robert Hooke may have observed the “Permanent Spot” as early as 1664, with Cassini following suit a year later and multiple more sightings through 1708. Then it disappeared from the astronomical record. A pharmacist named Heinrich Schwabe made the earliest known drawing of the Red Spot in 1831, and by 1878 it was once again quite prominent in observations of Jupiter, fading again in 1883 and at the onset of the 20th century.

Perhaps the spot is not the same…

But was this the same Permanent Spot that Cassini had observed? Sánchez-Lavega and his co-authors set out to answer this question, combing through historical sources—including Cassini’s notes and drawings from the 17th century—and more recent astronomical observations and quantifying the results. They conducted a year-by-year measurement of the sizes, ellipticity, area, and motions of both the Permanent Spot and the Great Red Spot from the earliest recorded observations into the 21st century.

The team also performed multiple numerical computer simulations testing different models for vortex behavior in Jupiter’s atmosphere that are the likely cause of the Great Red Spot. It’s essentially a massive, persistent anticyclonic storm. In one of the models the authors tested, the spot forms in the wake of a massive superstorm. Alternatively, several smaller vortices created by wind shear may have merged, or there could have been an instability in the planet’s wind currents that resulted in an elongated atmospheric cell shaped like the spot.

Sánchez-Lavega et al. concluded that the current Red Spot is probably not the same as that observed by Cassini and others in the 17th century. They argue that the Permanent Spot had faded by the start of the 18th century, and a new spot formed in the 19th century—the one we observe today, making it more than 190 years old.

Comparison between the Permanent Spot and the current Great Red Spot. (a) December 1690. (b) January 1691. (c) January 19, 1672. (d) August 10, 2023.

Enlarge / Comparison between the Permanent Spot and the current Great Red Spot. (a) December 1690. (b) January 1691. (c) January 19, 1672. (d) August 10, 2023.

Public domain/Eric Sussenbach

But maybe it is?

Others remain unconvinced of that conclusion, such as astronomer Scott Bolton of the Southwest Research Institute in Texas. “What I think we may be seeing is not so much that the storm went away and then a new one came in almost the same place,” he told New Scientist. “It would be a very big coincidence to have it occur at the same exact latitude, or even a similar latitude. It could be that what we’re really watching is the evolution of the storm.”

The numerical simulations ruled out the merging vortices model for the spot’s formation; it is much more likely that it’s due to wind currents producing an elongated atmospheric shell. Furthermore, in 1879, the Red Spot measured about 24,200 miles (39,000 kilometers) at its longest axis and is now about 8,700 miles (14,000 kilometers). So, the spot has been shrinking over the ensuing decades and becoming more rounded. The Juno mission’s most recent observations also revealed the spot is thin and shallow.

The question of why the Great Red Spot is shrinking remains a matter of debate. The team plans further simulations aiming to reproduce the shrinking dynamics and predict whether the spot will stabilize at a certain size and remain stable or eventually disappear like Cassini’s Permanent Spot presumably did.

Geophysical Research Letters, 2024. DOI: 10.1029/2024GL108993  (About DOIs).

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